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Che Examiner,

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Charlottetown, December 36. 1864. |

SORRELL INL ALLL” ALARA NEE te

CHRISTMAS,

Some say that ever ‘gainst that seasen comes Wherein our Saviour's birth ia celebrated, The bird of dawning singeth ail night long ; Aud then, they say, no spirit dares stir abroad ; The nights are wholesome ; then no planets strike, Ne fairy takes, nor witeh Lath power ta charm, | So hallow'd and se grasious is the time. Waawtar, Aot I, Se. 1 CHRISTMAS has come onve Wore. sweet associations are connected with that word Chrstnas! Memories of our childbood’s days throng upos as at ites sound—of the time when,

liow many

tor weeks before it came, our first thought on awakeoing, aad our last thought before sleeping, | was “oae day nearer Christmas."" Those were the days of the Christmas bolidays for the school- boy aud of Christmas festivities aod Christmas Boxes for all. How devoutly did we believe in the mysterious Santa Claus, who filled the stock- ings of goed children with everything nice and pretty, sat whe, as tradition had it, filled those of bad ehildeea with cinders aad ashes. But we never krew of any bad ehildrea at Christmas

At that dappy season acts of indeianity and ob- livmiea were proclaimed by the Higher Powers of the Hearthstone. Every juvenile offenca was then forgetten aad forgiven, and every domestic quarvel “made up.” All were treated with a beautiful umpartiality. What pains were taken that sething wapleasant sb ould occur on Christ. mas! The faces of all were clothed with smiles, and pleasant words and good wishes utiered by every tongue. “It is Obristmes Day,” this was She <pell that smoothed the furrowed brow of the eare-wort father, and caused the anxious mother tv forget her salicitude. At this sound the angry word died on the lips ugspoken, and the thought of discontent perished as soon aa conceived. Thea, too, the dainties of this joyous season! No roust beef was ever so tender and juicy as Christ- mas roast beef, and no pudding so tragraut and de- licious as Christmas plum pudding. This was the scason of wustinted enjoyment and of bearty in- neceat mirth. Happy are the children who spend an id-fashioned Merry Christus! They are Laying up a store of felicitogs remenibrances which wall yield them a harvest of pleasant thoughts hereafter.

But as we grow older sad thoughts will intrude themselves even on Christwas Day. How many of those who once shared our Christmas sports, and reciprocated our Christmaa gifts, are now cold and silent in the grave! How many seattered ovew the surface of the wide, wide world! When we miss their luved faces and kind voices, the tear will rise te the eye, and the wcerburdened breast must find reliefin asigh. But as our Christmas rewembrauces of the loved and the Jost are al! pleasant, no pain mingles with our grief. Per- haps the tender melancholy with which we are filled by these sad but aweet recu|lections, so far from diminishing our enjoyment, wakes it purer

this journalistic commemoration of our great Christian Festival than by the insertion of | the following chaste and affecting verses from the pea of another highly esteemed friend, | who has several times charmed our readers by

| the outward manifestation of his intercourse

with the muses, and has left his friends to! regret that poetic genius,and eultivated liter. |

| ry taste, which are amongst his many gifts, |

have not been oftener exercised :— CILRISTMAS---1SG.4.

Proud mothers of our fallen earth,

Who lay your babes on beds of down, And little reck the lowly birth

Of Hiw whow saints and angels eroyn ; Your costly cradles, deckt with care i

Like sowe rich vifted holy shrine, Await the fond expected beir

Of many an ancient, noble line ; Nurses and maidens, at command,

O'er richest carpets softly tread, Clothe the dear babe with gentle band,

In softest robes with lace o'er spread.

But fiz, who came to save the lost From death, the penalty of ain, Had no kind friend to pay the cost Of ehelter, at a crowded Inn. The Virgin, in her hour of woe, No loving help or comfort found, But sought, with wearied step and slow, Her conch of straw with beasts around. A marger was the only bed Vor Hix, to want and sorrow born, His scanty covering, fondly spread, Reft from the mother’s ill-clad form, "Twas there, from wind and wintry suows, Oxen and sheep a refuge found, And wearied camels sought repose With trampling horses ranged around. No cordial warm, her soul to cheer, By symputhatic love conveyed— No female band to siay the tear, Or tend the Infant where he laid, A Hasbaud's—~not a Father’ s—love Her trembling heart sastajna, Yet, God's own spirit from above Within that saintly bosom reigns.

With meek submission to the will

Of Hia who sends no cross in vain, The unconscious Babe will yet fulfil

The end for which, in love, he came, That life, so mournfully began—

The sorrows He is doomed to begr—~ The death foreseen He may not shun,

Shall close in words of pitying prayer: lau prayer fur those who wronght H1 ill,

Audjwreaked their passion and their pride Ou Owe who loved and sought them still,

And whom, in hate, they grucified.

————_~e-.______ THE HON. MR. WARBURTON ON CONFEDERATION.

Our esteemed friend, Hen, Mr. Warburten, has | published in the Herald a short letter, in which | he declares his opposition to the proposed Counfe- deration. This, we know, is, to some extent, a | free country, where every man may write and

_ We do not know that it would be possible ‘debt, whi _to terminate with more grace and propriety | liance, sh

latter especially. What has created their wealth ?

and more exquisite. Would we forget the

~—_

Union: Maine, Massachusetts, or New York, for example; They are wealthy States—the two

Developement of the resources possessed by each within its own narrow boundaries? Nothing of the kind, Maine or Massachusetts would be as poor, aeeorting to population and territory, as Prinese Edward Island, were it not fer the free coumnercial intercourse which each possesses with all the other States of the Union.

Mr. Warburten says “we haye free trade now,” alluding to our eowmercial intercourse with the other Provinces. This is only partially correct. Through the courtesy of an intercolonial Treaty, which may be set aside any day, we may receive from our Colonial neighbours, free of duty, agricultural products and fish, — similar products from the field, the forest, and the coasts ef this Island can go to them on the same terms ; but we cannot get their manufactured goods, and they cannot receive ours, without having to pay such duties as foreign States oppose to each other. Under Confederation, manufactured goods would pass from one Province into another as freeffrom duties and Custom Houae restrictions just ae manufactured goods have the right to pass now from Charlottetown or Summerside to Cascumpeque. As regards our privileges under the Reciprocity Treaty, of sending our agricultu- ral products and fish to the other Provinces, we have not the shadow of a reason to suppose that that law will remain in force, for our advantage, after the other Provinces are confederated—(as they will most undoubtedly be)—if this petty Colony, through ignorance, jealousy and suspicion, should resolve to keep aloof from the Confede- racy. Our refusal to go into the Union—(if the English Governmeut couutenanced our obstinacy, which it would not)—would be met by hostility, in every form, which the larger and wealthier Provinces could manifest towards us. We are, Heaveu knows, insignificant enough now ; we are poor—we possess little or no resources beyond our agricultural produects—we have no character in the eyes of the world ;—now, ought we to make fools of gurselves by settiug up our handful of a popu- lation against three and a half millions of people, who resolve to change their political condition— who ask us to participate in the change—and who are incited to the act by the earnest en- treaties of the British Government ?

The ease of Confederation happily does not depend ou the will of the small politicians of the small Island of Prince Edward. If that cause be fought with success on the main land, its consummation cannot be delayed through the pe- tulance of this little placee We may make our winds easy on the subject. We should not al- low our tempers to be ruffled by the question— whether Prince Edward Island will go in for Confederation or not? ing at the exceeding simplicity of those who think that the other Provinces will be confederated,while the British Gevernment wust go to the expense of keeping up a protectorate over this patch of

But we cannot resist smil-

ab-! print his thoughts as he pleases ; but we do not

ae

Le lt LE A Ns: TOIT

hee

sent ones, if we could? Surely pot. The many happy Christmas Days we have spent with them have ieft sunny epote in our memories, which we would keep fresh and bright as long aa life or thought itself shall endure.

The beautiful custom of giving and receiving gifts on Christmas day should never be suffered to tallinte decay. By these gifts we evince our geod will towards our dependents, and show our friends that our affection for them is still warm and uadiminished. We are all prone to imagine that our friends grow eold and indifferent. The eivihties and amenities of every doy life are apt to beeowe mere furms. Somethin more cordial, something more demoustzative, is required to keep alive and bright the fame of socia! and domestic affcetion. We like to have sowe waterial, tan- sible evidence that our frieuds ears for ue—that we live in their mewories, and that we oceupy a place in their hearts. How can our regard for those who have claims en our love and affection be better shown than by bestowiny on them such gifts as our circumstances permit us to offer ?

The giviag aad receiving of these Christmas boxes break upou the monotwny of our existence, and eal) into exercise feelings aud atfections which, wader ordinary circumstances, would dwiadle and die for want of appropriate nourishment. The higher sympathies of our nature cannot be per- mitted to die out with impunity. The man whose affections are aot warm, aud whose sympathies are gut extended and active, is not a whole man. He may exist, but he canact enjoy life.

But at Christinas we give not on!y to those from whom we expect a return of the tokeas of affee- tien and good will, but, in obedivace te the iu- jeoctions of Hua who was hiuwelf the Great Christesas Gift, many Christians, at this season, give, and give freely too, to those from whom no requital is looked for. How much joy and comfort these good souls bring to the abodes of want, of wmisery—and it may be, too, of vieo—ecan only be koown at the Great Day of Account, whea the secrets oi all hearte shall be revealed. Few ean realize bow welcome the lewingly and ebeerfully bestuwed bounty of these grateful Christians is to those who are pinched with want, aad te whou

the voice of kinduese and the tear of sympathy.

ure strangers. The hunger for kinduess and #ympathy—though perhaps aot sw keen and im- pertunate as the hvager for bread — is far more aeul-cousuming! Alas that it has eet efteger appeased! Let wet our gifts to the peer, then, be cold des, wrung by Duty from the gripe of Avarice; but let them be alms tively taken by warm-hearted and heaven-bora Cuarity from the lap of Plenty, and distributed by ber with smiles and kind words among the serrow ‘ul aad hungry ebildren of Need and Misfortune. The heart of Christmas is a big one. There is room in it for at. He deems none beneath his notice — none unworthy of his care. Tu the struggling poor he brings words of hope and cheer, acd te the fallen end despised he whispers of innocont and happy days in the past, and prompts to good resulves fur the future. His visits are welcomed by all~ by the Queen in her palace, the rich man in his mansion, the Jabourer in his cottage, and the beggar in his howel. His adveut ix bailed by the weather-beaten saiior far away on the boundless ovean, and by the war-sick suldier on the tented field. Even the unhappy debtor in his prison, nad the felon in his cell, feel the gonial influence of nis presence. Long may that benign influence be felt by all sorts and cofiditions of men! Long way Christians, by its delightiul urages, its happy re-unwus, ita apen-handed charitivs, and by the deeper and holier taslings that underlie its mirth and its rejoicings, tend ty ggke ys ul more worthy of being called by the game of the Divine Founder of our Holy Religion !

in conclusion: in the Gret place, aa ja duty bound, we heartily wish, theugh jate, to our friends and patruns A Merny Cryispyas ann A Harry New Year. Nor, we are happy to say, pre our good wishes goufiyed ‘o them gloue, We sigarrely give the compliments of the gegaon

my: % “* Fivela and enemies, if wo are w ynfortynate

“shave guy of the latter. To them, gg well ow frieuds and well-wishers, we wish a}) the

* the qwpeon is capable of affording. '

, say, that ‘be foregoing is voluiae of piety, =‘ty, more eloquent

/kunow that there was any urgent necessity for | Mr. Warburton to declare his views, any more than there is for every other member of the Le- gislature, not a leading man, tu do the same, be- fore the meeting of Parliament. However, we do not suppose that any very great sensation wil. be created iu the public mind by the an- nouncement of Mr. Warburton’s opinion. Our esteemed friend says :—

“ The few members seut to represent the Is- land, in the Federal Congress, could have no voice in any matter in which they were interested, and instead of having one ruling pewer over us (the Colonial Office), we should have a second, the Federal Government, to thwart any scheme that they might consider detrimental to their own interests. I cannot see how a Federal or any other Union could bemefit our trade or fisheries. We have free trade now, and the Canadians have the right, if they think proper, to establish fisb- eries on this Island, provided they can obtain laud to ereet their buildings upon.”

Our five representatives would have, in a Par- liawent of 194, 2s much influeuce as the eight from Newfoundland; aad, for all practical purposes, as much influence as the 15 from New Bruns- wick, or the 19 from Nova Scotia. Acearding to the priueip’e lald down here in Charlottetown, as the basis of the Conference at Quebec, to which Mr. Palmer (now a dissentient) was a consenting pasty — that is, Representation by Population— Prince Edward Island actually gets more than ite fair share of representation, in being allowed to send fice representatives to the General Par- liament. The highest number the P. E. Island Delegates aeked for, was sic — Mr. Palmer and Mr. Coles would, both, have been quite contented with that vuinber; all the [sland Delegates voted tor the siz; but it was made very plain to them that the concession of the sic would disturb the fuadamental principle of representation by popu- lativa. And, after all, who will doubt that five, in the Geaeral Parliament, will answer our pur- pose quite as well as siz? Iudeed the five P. E. Island represeatatives may, on emergencies, turn the scale against any party in the Federal Go- verament, aad secure for the Island due attention to its claims. We know that in the British Par- liament, consisting of more than six hundred weubers, the fifty-three members from Scotland, oc thee one hundred and five from Irelaud, could make or mar a wintry if they closely combined with the Opposition,

Gur friend Mr. Warburton seems to think that the Colonial Office would, under the Federal Go- venment, have the same contrelling influence over our Legislation as at present. This cannot be the case, if the Constitution agreed to at Quebec be adopted. The Colonial Office must then be- come practically an obsvlete institution, so far as these British American Colonies are concerned. That is one very strong reason why we and Mr. Warburton should be in favor of Confederation, and why the Proprietary party are, as they are well known to be, decidedly opposed to it. When Responsible Goverumeut was conceded to this Colony in 1851, it was said that Mr. Warburton claimed tor it as ove of its peculiar advantages, that no acts of our Legislature would have to be sent to the Colonial Office for confirmation—ficti- tiously designated the “ Royal allowance.” Mr. Warburton knows that Responsible Government secured ua no auah ezemption from the intermed- dling of the Colonial Office. Sir Samuel Cunard, by lus own were will, or any clique of proprietors, can thwart our Legislation here now gg well as before Responsible Government, when jt is sup- posed to clash with their interests. Under Con- federation that unholy power would pase away from them, forever and forever,

Mr. Warburton says he “ cannot see how a Fe- deral or any other Union could benefit our trade or fisheries,” for, he adds, “ we have fiee trade now.” We are astonished to see a state- went of this kind from a gentleman who has been in public iife eo long as Mr. Warburton, and whose education and experience of the world qualify dim to form an jateligent opinion on public affairs. The least infoymad persop knows that he has a much better ehance of driving a “ trade” to his advantage when he can select his custoyners from three and g half millions of people than if he were confined to eighty thousand, aud when be knows (pat the three and a half millious aye, jo the ag- gregate, comparatively rich, while te eighty thou- sand are, ip the same aggregate, miserably poor. We are ata oes to learn how a country, small and inagnificayt as regards territory and pepulation, ia likely to be worsted ju any alliguwe with 2 coun try vaetly rich iv both these elewents of proaperi- ty. A poor man wight ag well say he will not go into pastnersiap ip commerce with a rich map, oe ane wl

sand bank in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where the inhabitants imagine they have such a para- dize a3 would be contaminated by alliance with their powerful, prosperous and wealthy fellow subjects on the main land,

- me HON. MR. HENSLEY ON CONFEDERATION.

Tae Hon. Joseph Hensley has published a short letter to his constituents, the Electors of the East Point District, in which he intimates hig mntention to visit thein before the meeting of the Legislature, for the purpose of discussing the Confederation question. His mind seems to be filled with a sus- picion that he may not be able to keep his engage- went, and, therefore, he says ;—

“ Lest, however, anything should occur to pre- vent my meeting you personally, I think it my duty now briefly to inform you that the proposed scheme of Contederation, on the basis laid duwn ia the report to which [ have just referred, will mbet with my decided opposition. The terms upon which this Island is to be allowed to enter iute it are, in my opinion, very disadvantageous and unjust.”

A gentleman oceupying the position which Mr. Hensley does, ought, we think, to have stated the grounds of his dissent to the Confederation, when be publicly declared that dissent; and he should have shown in what particular cases “ the terms upon which this Island is to be allowed to enter inte” the Confederation, are more “ disadyanta- geous and unjust” than the terms accorded to the other Provinces. When a publie man, in a high position, commits himself to an expressioi of opinion, in public, on a public question, it is usual and reasonable to expect that he will give arguments in support of that opinion.

— eee _

Tue Tenant League party never had a better time than the present for pushing their principles —towards which, we have shown, that in some respects we are dissentients with them. Mr. Palmer, now supposed to be leader of the Govern- ment, is bidding high for popularity,—he wants the Catholics; he wants the Irish people, and the Tenant Leaguers are supposed to include both. He cannot afford tv offend them by setting bis face against thesr principles—cne of which prin- ciples, is, that the Leaguers will pay no rent un- less they are allowed tu have their own termes in purchasing their farms. Now, Mr. Palmer is said to have sume interest in lands about Lot Oue or Two. If the above principl e were put in force there, Mr. Palmer's sympathy for the tenantry would be fairly tested. Would he have the cruel- ty to distrain after proclaimng bimself the ten ant’s friend? He could not do it. Would he set | his face against the Tenant League because he entertains—vastly contrary to their views—eflete and extravagant notions about the so-called con- stitutional rights of property? If he does, he loses a strong element of support to his Govern- ment. ‘The Leaguers cannot support him with- out adopting the theories of the old feudal age, of which Mr. Palmer is a living representative, and under which the tillers of the svil were re- garded as no better than serfs. Hig situation, considered from any point of view, is an unenyi- able one. The proprietors will be jealous of him lest he should betray them, in order to appease the claims of the Tenant Union. His old asso- ciations, feelings, prejudices, and feudal notions of the rights of property will prou-pt him not to betray them: On the other hand, his selfishness and greed of power will make him wriggle in order to keep up a fair face towards the Lenautry, and get political support from them.

Mr, Palmer thinks, no deubt, that his opposi- tion to the question of Confederation will wake him immensely popular. He ia vastly mistaken. He may have a little popular clamour on his side at preseut. But the Confederation question is not one that will last forever. In less than a fortuigit after the Legislature shall meet, Pringe Edward Island will give its decision on the ques- tion—for or against it. What will Mr. Palmer then fall back upon? Will he support the cause of the Leaguers or that of the Proprietors? He cannot do either without making up his mind to be hurled from his position—uulese the Judgeship which he is said to be carving out fur himself be secured in the meantime, and thus afford hin a retreat from all politieal storms.

ential icil Ls:

“Tye TIME HAD NOT ARRIVED.” — The Herald of Wedassday makes the following important an- nounpemeyt, intended for the anxious admirers of the Attorney Genera];—

& The conclusion of Hou, Mr. Palmer’s letter in reply to the * Examiner’ cawe to hand tuo late for this day's papey.” -

Of course; the “time had not arrived” for finish-

ng a litttle communication commenced a fort- night ago. We hope the literary world will not

he disappointed at the delay of the great produe-| only in the British Isles themselves, but in every

le the other, who haggles about the al-| tion. We ean cheerfully wait for the “eonelusion,” British Provinee in which constitutional gove ute his eyes to the important fact that as we sympathise with Mr. Palmer in the difficult | ment bas been established, enjoy a much greater there are enormons resources as more than a set- | job he bas en hand to pateh up a Government out off to the debt. Take any State in the American! of the meet diseordant materials.

—_——-—_—__~»4 > o———__ — :

The Editor of the Examiner virtually admits his iwability to defend the Confederation sebeme by fair, open discussion in hia colamus; but will attempt to defend the scheme, and his own con- duct in reference thereto, at sundry one-seded or caucus meetings which he purposes holding in the eourse of a few weeks in the Seeond Electoral district of King's County. A thing mere to say on this point in our next No.—

Herald, Dec. 21.

There is no doubt we will be hugely delighted with the “ something more,’ when it may come, —hope it won't be delayed like Mr. Palmer's letter, for want of time, or space, &c., &e. As to our virtually admitting our inability to defend the Confederation scheme, or anything elsc, in the teeth of such persous as Edward Reilly or W. W. Sullivan, the thing ia “ bosh,"’ which could not be imposed for truth on the veriest simpleton in If the Herald scribes wil! qualify themselves to call to account ove of the members for St. Peter's, they willno doubt be heard in due time; but Mr. Whelan, one of the members for St. Peter's, does not hold himself in the least ac- countable to the scribblers for the Herald ; and although he would not be afraid to meet Q thou- sand such assailants, he thinks their health, and the health of all such presumptuous persons, will be best secured by advising them to keep away from a place whereat their impudence and pre- sumption would be likely to bring them to Mr. Whelan's hint was offered in the interest of blatherskjtes,who think they have some influence and talent, but not for the purpose of avvuiding free discussion. If they are dying for free discussion, why do they not ask Mr. Palmer to call a pubhe meeting in Charlottetown amongst his

the Colony.

* grief.”

own constituents ?

— ee - CONFEDERATION WITH THE BRI- PROVINCES, OR WITH AMERICAN REPUBLIC — WHICH IS THE MOST DESIRABLE?

TISH

THAT many in our community should look with a jealous and unfavourable eye upon the propounded scheme for the Federation of the B. N. A. Provinces, is not at all surprising. A transition from one state of society to another will always be looked upon suspiciously by those who may deem the result problematical; but it will be eagerly oppored by those who either find or fear that the innovation will prove unfavorable

to themselves.

Many of the honest, intel/igent, and independent yeomen throughout the Island may, we doubt not be reckoned among those who look suspi- ciously upon the scheme—and who do so beeause they cannot, as yet, perceive that the results would prove beneficial to us as a people, and can- not divest themselves of a fear that they might prove the reverse. Such honest doubters, such perplexed hesitants, are net, however, to be reckoned with these whose opposition te Pedera- tion will be the most determined and lasting. No; for sueb men, if not altogether free from the prejudices natural to their independent position,

We shall have some-

rie

degree of rational freedom than is, or ever has been, experieneed by the subjects of any other government upon earth. Their dissatisfaction with their position, as subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, was not attributable to any alleged inequality of our laws or limitation of our politi- cal rights and privileges. With these they were —as they had ample reason to be—perfectly well satisfied. Their desire was not for liberation from British constitutional rule; but for emanci- pation from the exactions, oppressions and thrall of proprietary usurpations, upheld, not by the voice of the British people or a decree of the Bri- tish Parliament, but by the illegal and unconsti- tutional decisions of successive Ministers of State fer the Colonies, arrogating to themselves a power to resolve a question of right, to determine which — as our own Legislature was debarred from doing so—was the province of the Imperial Par- liament alone. Finding themselves thus in a manner irredeemably doomed to Egyptian bondage so long as the Island sheuld continue a British Colony, it was not at all surprising that many of them began to cast a longing and anxious look to “the Great Republic,” then unbroken and not disunited, steadily pursuing that course of pros- perity and greatness which, considering the short period of its existence as an established and in- dependent power, is unexampied in the history of nations, either as respects its rapidity or its extent — justly, at the time, concluding that, should we, as a people, beeome an integral part of that prosperous and exultant commonwealth, we should soon become as prosperous, contenred, and happy as any of its citizen commuuities, how goodly svever their heritage. Such a union would, no doubt, have immediately freed our op- pressed and struggling tenantry from the bonds imposed upon them by proprietary usurpations ; it would have settled aud brought under cultiva- tion our wilderness lands; it would have im- proved cur agriculture; it would have turned to the most profitable account the neglected wealth of our fisheries; it would have extended our commerce; it would have developed all our re- sources, and have awakened us, iu every improy- able. point of view or direction, to new life, vigour and activity.

All this, we freely admit, it would have done ; but, at the same time, we must rewind our readers—those especially for whom we now write —that, had the annexation, as desired by many, taken place, and all these advantages been the result of it, we should now have had the prospect of paying for them at a rate which would be much more damaging to our general and indivi- dual independence than even the exorbitant exac- tions of proprietary usurpations. In the four years, during which the most suicidal and unholy war between the Federal and the Confederate States of the ruptured Union has been carried on, “the Northern States alone bave run up a debt, the interest ef which is equal to that of Great Britain; aud they are adding to this debt at the rate of two million dollars a day. Their taxation is enormous; their foreign trade, and even their coasting trade, which they have

THE

are unfettered by sordid ties of party, too self- reiiant to fear the usurer’s frown, and teo con- scious of their own worth to be humiliated by “the proud man’s eontumely or the insolence of office.’ They are, at all times, free to act upon their own judgment, and to make their own elec- tion; and, like all other men of truly honest and independent minds, they are ever open to convic- tion, and willing to listen to reason—justly think- ing it no disgrace, but rather an honor, openly to disavow a prejudice or a misconception when they have been convinced of their error. Such men are valuable as opponents, even although of the wisest and best devised measures; for the respect due to them*eauses the projectors and other advocates of such measures to revise their schemes, to question their propriety, and to doubt the accuracy of their own judgment; so that, very frequently, in consequence of such re- visals and investigations, that which was, at first,

laboured to keep wholly to themselves, have now passed almost entirely to the flag of the fvreigner, and even the immense duties now extorted unde: the war tarnff are unable to keep out foreign mawufaeturers, so great is the disturbanee of in- dustry and trade.” And further, in the language of the article of a late number of the News of the World, entitled “* The Reign of Ruin iw America,” from which we have above quoted, “in the Fede- ral States self-government, personal freedom,

mutual love and respect, and all that we suppose

in our picture of national liberty, have been

daubed over to make a rough ground for the vulgar pageant off a vast military despotism.

Every scholar has wondered at the fatal rapidity with which the Roman Republic ripened or rotted

into an empire. But that is, in sober fact, the

process now going on in the Federal States of North America.”

Happy, although still groan- ing under the crushing weight ef the burthens

well conceived, yet, in some respects, defectively planned, has been made perfect ; and, through the arguments advanced in its favour, to answer or refute the objections of its honest opposers, and the effects of a free public discussion of its merits, has been triumphantly brought into action — ap- proved and welcomed by nearly all the worth, sense and judgment of the community or comuu- uities lying within the sphere of its operations, and especially so by those who, at first, had honestly deemed its results problematical, but whom honest enquiry, a sincere desire tp ynder- stand it aright, and a willingness te listen ta the opinions and viewsfconecerning it of such as gireyni: stances had enabled to judge of it with more ability and certainty than themselves, had made its warm approvers and most useful adyocatea. Of the proposed Federation, the elass of men amongst us to whom we here allude — that class which may indeed be styled “the salt” of our community — will, we trust, ere long~although now, perhaps, alinost wholly opposed or disin- chned to it—become the earnest advocates ; and uninfluenced, as they are known to be, by the corrupting spirit of petty political jobbery, their counsels and example cannot fail to be followed by the majority of thoseamong whom they dwell, and whose respect and coufidence they most

deservedly enjoy.

The influence of these men, in their several localities does not depetx! upon their being ele- vated above their neighbours, in consequence of their greater wealth or larger possessions ; neither is it to be ascribed to their superior education, or the greater extent of their mental acquire- wents; but simply to the evidence afforded, in the daily ruutiue of their lives — by their perse- vering industry, by the integrity of their dealings, by their punctuality in the fulfilment of their en- gagements, and by the general success with which they prosecute the business of their stated avo- cations—that they are honest, wise, and prudent men — men, upon the proprety and faithfuluess of whose advice others may safely rely.

Let us have such men to advocate the Fede- ration, and very seon the number of those amongst us who shall continue to oppose it will be very small indeed. What we have now fur- ther to say, in our present article, and, perhaps, ia one or two more, will be addressed especially to this honest and independent class of our fellow

colonijats,

There was g time, no doubt, and that not long singe gither, when many, very many of the people of this Colony would have welcomed, as the pre- cursor of & most desirable train of events, both for them aud their posterity, the pesceable an- nexation of this Island to “the Great Republic.” This desire for annexation to the United States of North America, did not, however, arise from & spirit of disloyalty to our Sovereign, or from a calm, deliberate, and rationg) preference, given by those who entertained it, to republican insti- tutions, orders of society, forms of goyernment, and liceace, as affording greater protection to life, liberty and property, as being more prolific and conservative of public spirit, more encourag- ing to industry, and more incentive to enterprize ; or as affurding greater scope and brighter pros- peets of success and reward to genius and talent, than the more staid and settled, the more cer> tain, inflexible and permanent laws, usages, ine stitations,and governmental principles of a limited or constitutional monarchy like that of Great Britain. No: the desire opee entertained by a very large number of our eommunity to transfer their allegiance from the Red Cross Flag to that of the Stars and Stripes, arose from no sue) pre- ference; nor was it based on any such considera- tions. They knew then, as they know now, that the subjects of the Crown ef Great Britain, not

imposed upon them by proprietary usurpations, ought our tenantry to account themselves that they are not, as, had we been annexed to “ the Great Republic,” they would now be sharers in the bitter results of that most detestable, most fiendish war, which has induced “ the Reign of Ruin,” and brought home distress and oppression to every class of citizens in the Union,

The object which we have now in view is, if we possess the ability, to convince, by a train of unassuming and dispassionate reasoning, that mest valuable, influential, and esteemed class of our fellow colonists whom we now address, that the Resolutions of the Quebec Couference, form- ing the basis of the preposed Confederation of the B. N. A. Provinces, are such as, if carried junto effect, canuet fail ta prove highly beneficial to each of the Proyjnces, “ securing to them se verally all the great adyantages of union with as little organic change as possible, and without af- fording graynds for any local jealousy.” What we have already written with that intention, al- though ywerely an introdyetion ta the question we purpose to discuss, bejng sufficient to fill all our available space in ou; present number, we shall here break off, myprely further observing | that we trust we shall be able tg shew, in the | continuation of oyr article next week, that all | the advantages which many, once, and not unrga- souably, thought we could obtain hy pegoeable annexation to the United Stateg of North Amp-) rica, will, quite as fully, and certainly with more |

security, be attained by us through our becoming one of the provinces of the projected great Con- federation, which we most devoutly wish and

q ¢

hope tu see accomplished, ms

shite nshieilaiil isin COLONIAL CONFEDERATION. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.

The leading British papers received by last mail from England contain long editorials upon the proposed federation of the British American Provinces, and we observe the scheme is supported with remarkable unan: imity. Referring to the speeches made at the banquet given to the delegates by“ the Quebec Board of Trade, the London Times comments as follows :-—

‘*To draw up any scheme of political union for colonies so long divided, and ex- tending over such an immense territory as British Nohth America, must be a work of extreme difficulty. At all events, the dele. gates merely alluded to the obstacles they might have to evade or overcome, but dweit at length and with great earnestness on the main question, the necessity of a common political union. The Provinces represented were Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, New- foundland, and Prince Edward Isiand, and they have assembled in the old capital of Canada, Quebec. For the first time re- sentatives of the whole group of British set- tlements are brought together for an object that of itself indicates how much they have increased in material prosperity aad political importance. They feel that the time has come when a change in their position, divided from each other as if they belonged to dif. ferent Powers, is necessary. They desire a union ** under one flag, and that the flag of England.’”” They wish for a commercial al- liange, or Customs’ union, with one tariff instead of five, and they hope to create a more active commercial intercourse between ali the Provinces that has hitherto existed by means of anintercolonial railway. These are stated as the main objects to be effected, or, &t least, promoted by the deliberations of the Conference. To another point less ubportance was attached, to judge by the Speeches of the delegates, though reference to it could not be entirely avgided. The union is to 7 of defence aleo. We will not enquire how much the shange that : has passed over the Aimstions Repel may

to a sense of peril in the future. But the impulee itmay have given to the desire for

over union with each other may bestronger than the coloniste themselves admit.

As the Conletence meets under the autheri- ty and with the sanction of the British Go- vernment, we tiay assume that the purpose avowed by the delegates is cnteees The jealousy of such an organization between separate dependencies which the mother country would once have displayed, is a feel- ing long extinct. ‘There is rather an impres- sion that the Imperial Legislature has grant- ed all the powers of self-government to some of these Colonies too easily. Not that ic was desirable to keep a distant community in the leading strings of the Colonial Office, but be- cause it would have been better if some kind of union between Provinces on the same con- tinent had been effected before they were made practically independent. With respect to the whole group of our North American Colonies, this idea of a federation or alliance is by no means new. In fact, it was par- tially adopted by the Union of Upper and Lower Canada after the rebellion. The measure has certainly couverted a discon- tented population into one of the most loyal communities in allegiance to the British Crown. lBbut it bas created endless ditlicult- ties to many Canadian Ministeries, and more than once brought its local Government to a stand still. The plan of the delegates now at Quebec appears to stop far short of the Ca- nadian precedent. They propose a political union, but not amalgamation. It is possible to establish a central power without creating acommon Legislature. As to a Customs’ union, there ought to be even less difficulty. If it has been possible to establish in the centre of Kurope one tariff for many So- vereign States, and to abolish ail the frontiers that impeded their commerce, the same ob- ject ought to be easily accomplished when it is only a question between Provinces subject to the same authority, It is impossible to exaggerate the mischief these inland frontiers cause to every eommercial interest ; and the evil is always increasing, especially if neigh- boring Colonies adupt a policy of ** protection to native industry.’’ ‘They legislate against each other, and begin a conflict certain to injure both. Even without going to this ex- treme, the difference in the scale of import duties may be considerable enough to intro- duce the smuggler where he ought to be un- known. He is already heard of in Australia, though as yet its three tariffs levy duties for revenues only. Nature bas made it difficult enough to establish easy means of communi- cation between the British American Provin- ces, without adding any artificial impedi- ments to traffic. hen the great Provincial Constitution is finished and made known we shall be glad to hear that the many difficul- ties of detail have been met successiully. Ik must not be forgotten that one essential part of the scheme, the Intercolonial Railrod, is a matter of time, money, avd labour that must be achieved by other means besides dis- cussions and resolutions.