AND

“PHIS IS TRUE LIBERTY WHEN FREt-~BORN MEN—HAVING TO ADVISE THE PUBLIC—MAY SPEAK FREE.”—Mixton’s Euriripes.

WEW SERIES.

2

—_—-- te ————-—— - eauoennncrthsinadims

CHARLOTTETO

GOVERNMENT AND MANAGE- ecaploveaecio, privileges, and other bene-

MENT.

‘Tne grand difference between past ages and the present, so farasstate affairs are concerned, is, that formerly nations were governed, and that now they are, or wish to be, only managed. Of old, it wag not thought possible to carry on the affairs of any country, unless the people were under a close and vigorous rule, confined perhaps to a sovereign (whose power was in part sustained by the idea that it emanated from the Deity), or at ‘east to a limited number of grandees, or an influential class. ‘That dogma has now in a great measure past away, except among unenlightened nations. In the more civilized countries, society has reached such a point, men have become so habituated to respect each other’s rights, and to obey the regulations imposed as laws for the’ general welfare, that some- thing little different from a mere commit- tee of their own number, similar to what is appointed every day in minor commu- nities for certain public objects, is now ‘onceived to be necessary for the conduct of the state. In short, a state may now be said to consist of a people who want their public affairs conducted : it formerly consisted of a sovereign and dominant class, who had a peogle to rule.

‘I'o minds which love to reflect on the movements of men in their larger masses, and throughout long reaches of time, this change is ove of great importance. Till a very recent period, there have been no nations so generally civilized and enlight- ened as to be fir for an emancipation from the superstition-supported rule of arbi- trary monarchy. Philosophy has bardly ever yet ceased to describe the populace as a many headed beast, fickle, besotted, and cruel, which nothing but the strong

fits, which may be dispensed less with a regard to the public service than to the gratification of an exclusive class of in- dividuals: in short, management may be so managed, that it will still havea great deal of the unpopular features of govern- ment about it. In a commercial country like Britain, where the bulk of men are accustomed to reckon everything with arithmetical accuracy, to weigh every advantage, every right, every atom, we may say, of what is profitable and good— such things cannot long remain. No man in such a community can long enjoy what he does not expressly and fairly purchase by his toil. Neither, in such a community, will it be possible to maintain any privileged institutions, which do not satisfy a very decisive majority that their privileges and their constituted character are advantages to the commonwealth, as | well as to those imuediately connected with them. Such isstitutions are now weighed in a very different balance from what they ever knew before—the balance of a mercantile, unenthusiastic, rigidly just, and, some would add, cold and selfish spirit; and if they be found wanting, we do not see where lies the countervailing force which may save them., In short, if no reacuion be produced by the rise of some great accidental evil from the new spirit, it is evident, or ought to be so to

; all minds which look beyond the passing

day, that the public affairs of this great empire will in a little tine be placed up on a system of management, in no respect different from a commission of local police.

A prospect of this kind naturally ex- cites alarm and distrust in some minds, all perhaps an exuberance of expecta-. tion in others. Men are, or conceive themselves to be, so deeply interested

hand of powercould keepin check. And there are still many who believe that an instructed people is more dangerous than one totally sunk in ignorance, and that the only tradition upon which a nation can be prosperous and peaceable, is, that an enlightened'few shall coerce and enjoy the industry of a darkened many. Such notions, however, since the revival of literature and the aris, and more particu- ‘arly their extension in the north-western states of Europe, have been gradually undergoing the process of refutation, not so much by the exertions of philosophical writers, as by the silent proofs afforded by the course of events and the acts of men. Nations have improved, and their governments have been improved as a matter of course. Men, in more than one country, have shown that they could live well without coercion; and coercion accordingly bas, with them, ta @ great measure ceased, That a government insy occasionally improve a people, it

in the results of such a change, that few contemplate it in a cool and phi- losophical manner. Some throw them- selves in its way, and others attempt to urge it beyond its natural pace, for reasons referring only to the happiness of the individual and tie interests of a day, and perhaps founded on delusive principles. ‘To one abstracted from tem- porary feeling, it must appear as simply a partial approach, made for the first tine in human history, to that perfect artifici- ality of the social condition which is in reality the perfection of the designs of nature—for the low intelligence of the numerical majority has been the sole cause and excuse for the absolute domi- nion heretofore exercised by one order of human beings over another. How strange to reflect upon the countless generations which may pass before man solves a cer- tain problem in hisown nature. It would almost appear as if our three thousand

would be difficult to deny; but the im- provement of a government in conse- quence of the improvement of a people, is a process of irresistible necessity, and, in fact, the natural course of things.

In the ancient Gothic monarchies of

Murope, the monarchial principle is still |

retained. thouch in al} instances ina form inodified to suit the comparative intelli- wence of the people. In Great Britain, since 1688, the king has had no constitu- tional character above that of a chief magistrate, his hereditary right being imited by the satisfaction of the people with his administration. In France, and other countries, the same system has been more recently established; and its en- durance in one instance shows that it may endure in others. This, however, is not the extent of the improvement to which men are disposed to limit their views, Ewen after wilful rule has been abolished, there may still remain to those near the head of affairs a monopoly of

years of written history were only a part | of one little cycle of the progress of the | race,

GCOBRESPONDRNGE.

FORENSIC REFINEMENT.

To tue Eprror or Tux Examiner. Sir— |

At a late sitting of the Court of C y a member of our Colonial Bar, with the most unblushing effrontery, thus prefaced the reading of a note to his client from an elderly lady of this com- munity of the highest respectability :— | And now what says Nelly 2”!!! | However incredible this statement may | appear to you, it is nevertheless entirely true, and the circumstance occasions the i

N, MARCH 6, 1850.

——- a

a more surprise, as, independently of his professional statua, hig usral demeanour gives him some pretensions to the stand- ing of a gentieruan. ‘The irritability engendered by his late defeat ata con- tested Election, at which he amfortunate - ly took what I and the coantry in general consider the wrong side, affords the only solution to this crue] outrage upon the feelings of a defenceless woman.

I cannot but think, Sir, after such an extraordinary exhibition of professional ea}lantry, which passed sub silentio amid the formalities of a Court of Judieature, that it is quite time the disgraceful Le- gislative restrictions on the Bar of this Island should be removed, offensive as they are to every liberal and talented member of the Profession, which have the injurious effect of expelling from our Colony able Lawyers and accomplished gentlemen of other countries, who may } feel inclined to give this Island their pre- ference; and which res:trictions can only benefit the selfish ana pettifogging herd, who, to borrow a sarcasm from Hudibras,

“D—n their souls! Share spoils with knaves in cheating fools.’

I am, Sir,

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 1850.

THE NEW HOUSE. No. 3.

Weturneron or NarpoLron—we forget which-—once remarked, that the next | melancholy thing after defeat is victory : | the joy of triumph is repressed by sym- pathy for the vanquished—by sorrow for the brave fellows who have fallen in the fray,--asd by fear lest the fruits of vic- tory should prove inadequate to expec-

tationand to the losses incurred in the fizht.

i similar must depend rot only upon their own

‘il

Che Examiner.

SH ME-WEEKLY INTERLLIGENCER.

VoL. 1.0. 10.

“ Riders,” “ Amendments,” or “ Address- es,” jaid upon the “ Table,” never to be takenup. Yet, he has this satisfaction, that he can throw upon the broad shoul- ders of the majority the sin of strangling every brain-born fondling, which he at- tempted to rear and reputably usher into the world. But the partizan of the ma- jority has no such recommendation to the favour of public opinion. He should have accomplished this measure—he should have advocated that,—one mistake, one solitary instance of remissness or negleci, condemns him iretrievably—

“ Yea, one false step forever damns his fame,” and he is pronounced incompetent for his position. Bat this is not all: he is, per- haps, a leading member of his party; as such he has, or is likely to have, influence with Government: Mr. So-and-so gave him his yote and interest at the late Elec- tion, and Mr. So-and-so thinks he has the best claim to the first situation that be-

‘comes vacant; but the family of the So-

and-so’s turn out to be provokingly numer- ous on this important occasion, and if the unhappy member of Parliament cannot satisfy each and all of them, why then fe ig the most ill-natured and ungrateful man in the community, and no Elector

Your obedt. Servt. , Should vote for either him or any of his

" . Amicus Curr. | Patty at a future Election. cme iemennvmmeneeanmnncennereven | Yes, the career of generals and the a ft . course of political leaders are far from ey f Crater. being dissumilars; nay, at almost every

step in their progress, they are marked by incidents. Both, for success,

skill, judgment, and decision, but also upon the ability and fidelity of their sub- alterns in directing the energy and efforts of those who have, in the one instance, been placed under their command, or in the other, of the men who have associated themseves with thei in the same warfare, or in the prosecution of the same designs. Both are loudly applauded by their friends and admirers when victory follows in their path ; and both, when they have been un- able to command, although they may have

In the war of Politics we have some of |

the regrets when itis won. If we soundly thrash the opposing party we do not feel quite comfortable in witnessing their de- jection,—in some we then discover vir- tues which partly redeem their fanjts,— from our own ranks we note with sorrow the absence of some old and long tried companion, with whom we should have rejoiced to divide the glory of conquest ; and when all is over we begin to fyvel un- easy lest too much good should be expect- ed from our yiumph.

To be in @ minority in Parliament is undoubtedly a disagreeable predicament to the Politician: he is doomed, daily and nightly, to be beaten on ewery division— to see his well devised stratagems foiled by superior numbers—hia wisest propo- 'sals rejected with contempt, or cast into the oblivion of Journaliem,—his “ Bille,”

most justly deserved success, are most un-

the “ lights and shadows” of a soldier’s life | sparingly assailed, not only by their ene- —all the ardour befure battle—some of | mies, but even by their friends, who in the

moment of defeat, are too apt to forget the honourable and profitable conquests form- erly achieved. Both, by disappointed aspirants to promotion and place, are too generally accused of ingratitude and an incapacity to distinguish between fictits- ous show and genuine merit. Both, ex- cept perhaps in such rare instances ae those of Pittand Wellington, should they look for a just estimation of their abilities, achievements, intentions, and failures to their coutemporaries, would soon be con- vinced that they had appealed for judg- ment of their characters and deeds, to men so blinded by party prejudice, and sc shackled by individual interest, as to be wholly incapable of wisely and justiy pronouncing in the inquiry. In fine, how- ever great their abilities, however ample their conceptions, and however signal sr’

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