Northern Ireland

.1976, special status was re- moved and all political

Finally, four days later, British troops arrived in‘ Belfast. Within days

‘ a hastened peace was created the two sides and a

of sanity returned, but

this was short-lived. By July 1970, it soon became

‘clearthattheantywasthere

to protect the status quo,

and the Catholic population prepared itself for a long

bitter fight.

'Ihe amy began clean-up operations in the Catholic Falls Road area of Belfast in July 1970 and after ran-

sacking houses in seardi of

“weapons, Catholic hostility

‘ quickly returned, - Police soon came to be re-

. placed by hatred of the British Amy and all that .it stood for.

'At‘this time as well, a major event ocoJrred that would change the face of the conflict. The IRA and

' its political wing, Sinn Fein, split.internally. 'Jhe result of this was a

break-away group called the provisionals of both IRA and Sinn Fein who felt the official group was docile and not representing the

Catholic interest in such a

way as to be useful, given the militaristic situation.

The provos, as they are

theyhadseenalltoooften

in the past. The renewed activity drew

diidiester-Clark's resignatior official British machine,

He was replaced by Brian Faulkner in March 1971, who would prove to be the last Northern Irish premier. Faulkner, who had big ideas, failed to understand the historical conflict. His mind soon turned to intern-e ment, which he felt would break the Catholic popu- lation by undermining the provisionals. ‘ ,

On 9 August 1971, 342 men were interned and taken to the Maze prison coupler. The result was instantly felt. Support grew inned— iately for the IRA and Faulkner's vision quickly backfired. Instead of

breaking the Provos, Faulkner

had served their interests. Again the mardiers turned out. Scattered incidents ocwrred throughout the North in 1971 as an in- creasingly edgy army had to support a weakening Northern governnent. Control came to rest more and nore with the arrry and, after an army attad< on a peaceful Bogside Narch on 30 January 1972 in which fourteen unarmed civilians were gunned down, the gover-

', thursday, april 2, 1981, page 21

ated by Protestants, is being protected at the expense of

a subjugated Catholic pop- ulation who are simply reliving an historical occurrence.

Foreverytinetheyspeak

prisoners becane, to the

comm criminals. If arrested under the Special Powers Act, one can be de- as one voice for legiti- tained on suspicion for mate rights, they suffer the three days. As seen through wrath of the Protestant documented cases of mental capitalists and their and physical torture, the followers who guard their prisoner ,is interrogated interests with their lives. and forced to sign confessions. There are, of course, no If you fail, you cone up be— sinple answers. Each side, if fore a judge. You have no looked at objectively, has defense lawyer and all» you legitimate claims. Yet one needtobeconvictedis hastowonderhowlongthe the word of a policeman. present scheme can be main- Ycu are sentencedasa tained. 'miswarisnow political prisoner through in its twelfth year and all amilitarytypecourtand sides areveryedgy. The sent to prison. 'Ihen you are hunger strike at Maze may called an ordinary criminal. appear on the surface to ' Irany Canadians as senseless.

'Ibday the hunger strfl<ers When looked at historically, are willing to die for a however, these men are cause. may are political struggling for what they Prisoners and they VleW believe in against a much theneeJ-Vee as PON'S- They superior foe. 'Iheir deter- deified thls Status-_ The mination is wholehearted. 315111151} Went 1.3 The British government cannot fOSterlng Hull-tar)? mile and continue in Northern Ireland.

‘ SideStePPing the legitimate They nust realistically

grievances of the Catholic population in order to maintain the Protestant loyalist population, who,

amraise the situation, which, until now, has been inpossible. _If they fail to do so, they . _ . runtherisk of long term for econanic and political unrest and possible large reasonsg PrOPeCtion scale violence, whidi would from Britain. The interests dwarf the present conflict

of capital, which is domin-

Calledr were to ' nment was in shambles. "mis 5'“ both scope and Consequences- andsawthenecess1tyof daycametobemnas violence for political and Bloody Smday, Catholic

social gain. 'mey sought to destroy the system which they felt was simply and imperialist British appendage. The CathOliCS: through the , 'Ihe any became more and provisionals, were saying in "Dre autm and by

a unified voice that Change was 24 March 1972, the government needed mediate)!- Mardles fell. Direct control of again were organized by I Northern Ireland now came Catholics. 'Ihey were Stl' from London through thearmy. fled by the arIIYrWhld‘ official internm-mt was took a hardline approashr ended in 1975, but a renewed .tl‘ms flirt-erlng cathOJ-lc Special Powers Act served as distrust and hatredo Tb an official sanction for un- them it was an admission of official interment. In

bias by the any. a bias

MP's withdrew support for the Belfast government and Paisley and others attacked the government internally.

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